Historical approach to the use of the indicative, infinitive and subjunctive in indirect questions with «saber» in Spain and America

Abstract

In this paper, we examine the use of the indicative and subjunctive moods in indirect interrogative clauses dependent on the verb saber. In modern Spanish, the indicative clearly predominates (e.g., no sé si lo hará ‘I do not know if he will do it’; no sé qué ha hecho ‘I do not know what he has done’). In Medieval and Classical Spanish, however, the subjunctive was not uncommon, particularly in deliberative questions, where the speaker expresses uncertainty. In such cases, the verb could also appear in the infinitive, which is the form that predominates today (e.g., no sé qué diga, no sé qué decir ‘I don’t know what to say’). The use of the subjunctive in these subordinate clauses reached its peak during the Classical period, but began to decline from the 18th century onward, becoming almost obsolete by the 19th century. During this time, deliberative constructions with the infinitive spread widely across all Spanish-speaking regions. However, in non-deliberative questions, the subjunctive has experienced a resurgence in the 20th century, and even more so in the 21st century, particularly in Latin American varieties of Spanish, with notable frequency in regions such as Mexico. This is not observed in Peninsular Spanish.